The Socialists, Communists, Greens, France Insoumise (LFI), and Place Publique have reached an agreement on a new Popular Front and will present a single slate of candidates in the first round of the upcoming legislative elections on June 30. This is not simply a resurrection of the defunct Nupes, which was dominated by LFI. As Place Publique leader Raphaël Glucksmann noted in a radio interview this morning–perhaps a trifle too optimistically–there has been “an inversion of the balance of power” among the constituent elements of the PF. Most notably, the Popular Front is committed to the defense of Ukraine and its current borders; it declares, unlike the LFI until now, that the October 7 assault on Israel by Hamas was a “terrorist attack”; and it acknowledges an “explosion” of antisemitism in France, countering Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s insistence that French antisemitism was merely “residual.”
These are significant concessions, but it would be naïve to think that they reflect a true change of heart on the part of some elements of LFI, just as it would be naïve to think that the new balance of power is accurately reflected by the relative scores of Place Publique and LFI (13.8 vs. 9.9) in Sunday’s European Parliamentary elections. The real balance will emerge only after the first round of voting is complete. For once, Jean-Luc Mélenchon has muted his trumpet, rightly reckoning that putting himself aggressively forward (“JE suis la République“) would only drive voters away from this broad-tent–some would say unnatural–coalition. No question but that a Popular Front government would be a fractious, contentious mess. But at least it would not be the RN: this is the proposition on which the election will turn, at least if the early vote projections are anywhere near correct, which they may not be.
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As in other countries, French national elections do not usually play out on foreign policy – which by the way is the President’s preserve as are military affairs -, rather they are fought on domestic issues.
The more important aspect of the left having promptly united to try to prevent the country being taken over by the far-right, apart from the fact that no other political force has any chance of defeating the far-right, is that this effectively destroys Macron’s party. This is because his candidates will not qualify for second round of voting as they will not arrive in first or second place in first round voting. Ok, I will be charitable, maybe 10 of them will, but no more. Thus, once again as was the case several times in French history, the center having shifted to the right will disappear. Lecanuet comes to mind as an ancestor of Macron.
As for the program of the Nouveau Front Populaire, I would not pay too much attention to it: it was negotiated over a 3 days emergency meeting and it is understood that there would be room for revisions if and when the NFT gets into office, which is vaguely possible.
@bernard: ” This is because his candidates will not qualify for second round of voting as they will not arrive in first or second place in first round voting. Ok, I will be charitable, maybe 10 of them will, but no more.”
Interestingly indeed, interviewers now ask this question “for whom will you vote at 2nd round” to candidates of the present majority! (As a voter or candidate for parties in the center in the 2001-2017’s, I hated this question; I just didn’t want to consider this issue before the 1st round was done. But for sure, I understand its relevance).
I would not foresee such a black-hole-destruction of the present majority. They have imho strong positions (together with LR) in a number of bourgeois town centers or suburban communities, (who might also vote for non-leftist Green candidates, but their 2020 fashion has gone). Maybe these “LR or Macron” constituencies account for ~10% of the Assembly? And add Wallis&Futuna.